Category: Berita

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Photo: 212 mass, source: Zakharia

By : Jokist and Bustaman al Rauf

Jayakartapos, The reuni of 212 had been done on December 2,2019 which was attended by approximately 7 until 15 thousands attendent. The amount of these actually had been decreased if we will compare with previously 212 moment.

Decreasing people intention to come to 212 mass gathering was triggered by several factors such as December 2 is monday. Monday is workday so those people who were attended 212 mass gathering could be predicted they were not private company employee and government apparatus but 212 attender were came from traditional Islamic school or called as Pondok Pesantren who their leader or owner have an emotional relations with Rizieq Shihab because NU’s and Muhammadiyah’s members tends not come to this moment and others 212 attenders allegedly they are unemployment etc.

Others factor such as public had bored to 212 simultaneous mass gathering because they were judged those moments is political movement so its could not utterly represent Muslims want and attention.

However and substantionally, decreasing of 212 political moments image because public know the moment likes 212 movement does not political deviden for the country especially for Islam. Especially, public can see that political influence of Rizieq Shihab and others 212 leaders had decreased.

Lastly factors which had caused 212 mass gathering did not success, because people knows before 212 moments will do, on social media had delivered “hoax video which was contained Rizieq Shihab’s arrives in Indonesia”. Those facts had analysed by public that “212 moment management” had failed to interfere them to come at Monas. Last but not least, most of Muslim’s leaders and others prominent leader including pundits were gave their suggestion to public through mass media, social media, banners, seminars and others communications tools related to it does not important for Muslim’s to come at Monas, because December 2 is Monday and these day is workday. Work is really actual jihad regarding to Islam teachings rather than come to mass gathering likes 212 political movement. So, the conclution is public had bored.

*) Both of writer are political analyst.

Disclaimer: Every opinion in this media is the responsibility of the author. If there are parties who object or feel aggrieved with this article, according to the press rules, that party can give the right of reply to the author of Opinion and Editor will publish the article in a balanced manner.

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Foto: Ketua Umum SOKSI , Ali Wongso Sinaga

Jayakartapos, Ketua Umum SOKSI,Ali Wongso Sinaga mengapresiasi dan mendukung sikap Presiden Jokowi terkait amandemen UUD 1945,sebagai sikap “kecermatan dan kenegarawanan yang tinggi”, dimana Presiden tadi sore (2/12) menyebut ” muncul usulan presiden kembali dipilih MPR. Kemudian muncul wacana masa jabatan presiden menjadi tiga periode. Selain itu, muncul juga wacana masa jabatan presiden delapan tahun dengan satu periode jabatan. Kan kemana-mana seperti yang saya sampaikan. Jadi, lebih baik, tidak usah amendemen. Kita konsentrasi saja ke tekanan-tekanan eksternal yang bukan sesuatu yang mudah untuk diselesaikan.”

Bahkan Presiden menilai “yang ngomong presiden dipilih tiga periode. Itu ada tiga [maknanya] menurut saya: Satu, ingin menampar muka saya; yang kedua ingin cari muka, padahal saya sudah punya muka; yang ketiga ingin menjerumuskan,”

Dalam kaitan gagasan amandemen UUD 1945 itu, sejak awal gagasan itu muncul, SOKSI bersama Tri Karya, ormas pendiri Golkar lainnya telah bersikap bahwa gagasan amandemen itu perlu kajian mendalam yang rasional kritis dan komprehensif tentang apa urgensinya mengembalikan kedudukan MPR lembaga tertinggi negara bagi kepentingan bangsa negara kedepan ? Andai MPR kembali menjadi lembaga tertinggi negara, maka Presiden akan bertanggungjawab kepada MPR dan pemilihan Presiden 2024 tidak lagi oleh rakyat secara langsung tetapi menjadi kewenangan MPR. Jikalaupun ada ekses “Pilpres langsung” selama ini, antara lain menguatnya ‘politik identitas’, apakah alternatif solusi ‘amandemen’ seperti itu relevan sebagai ‘problem solving’ ? Mengapa kita tidak lebih mendorong meningkatkan pendidikan umum dan pendidikan politik bangsa berbasis ideologi nasional dan lebih mepercepat peningkatan ekonomi berkeadilan serta penegakan hukum misalnya ? ujar politisi senior Golkar itu.

Partai GOLKAR dengan doktrinnya “Karya Siaga Gatra Praja” atau “Golkar siap membangun negara” dengan karya kekaryaan dan sebagai bagian dari pendukung utama Presiden Jokowi, sudah tentu mendukung sikap politik Presiden itu. Konsisten dengan itu, seluruh anggota FPG MPR pasti memahami sikap Presiden Jokowi sejalan dengan doktrin Golkar yang mengutamakan kepentingan negara bangsa sehingga semestinya didukung. Hal itu tentu termasuk berlaku bagi Pak Bambang Soesatyo, Ketua MPR yang nota bene keanggotaannya di MPR adalah bagian dari FPG MPR sebagai pelaksana kebijakan Partai Golkar, kata mantan Anggota FPG DPR/MPR itu.(RED)

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Photo: Colombia protest, source: Raul Arboleda/AFP



Jayakartapos,  The protests in Colombia are driven by myriad issues—corruption, stagnant wages, grievances related to human rights, and a stalled peace process.

The government has reacted with a show of force, with troops remaining on the streets of the capital and a curfew in effect for the first time since 1977.

Reconciliation with FARC has stalled, with ex-combatants suggesting an imminent return to armed violence unless genuine progress is made soon.

Unless governments assuage protesters’ concerns, political violence will remain the defining feature of growing instability throughout Latin America.

The protests that erupted last week in Bogota, Colombia are being driven by an array of issues—corruption, stagnant wages, grievances related to human rights, and a stalled peace process with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). But other, more recent issues have galvanized the protesters. Dilan Cruz, an 18 year old participating in the protests, died November 25 from injuries he sustained two days earlier when he was hit in the head by a projectile (likely a tear gas canister). Colombian President Ivan Duque Marquez expressed condolences for the death and guaranteed an investigation, a promise likely to do little to allay the outrage resulting from Cruz’s death and the frustration of the more than 250,000 people who took to the streets on November 21. The government has reacted with a show of force to the protests, with troops remaining on the streets of the capital and a curfew in effect for the first time since 1977. There has been looting, with several people killed, and there have been attacks on police as well, including a bomb blast last Friday at a police station in southwestern Colombia that killed three officers.

On the surface, Colombia is not obvious fertile ground for a massive popular uprising as witnessed elsewhere in the region—its economy has been among the best performing in all of Latin America.

However, similar to other countries like Chile, the growth and prosperity is not broadly based and there is growing inequality between an increasingly wealthy minority and the rest of society.

Hidden in plain sight are pervasive issues which have served as a catalyst for the ongoing protests. These include concerns about a possible government reduction in the minimum wage and pensions, which further exacerbates already egregious levels of economic inequality. As with other countries in the region, corruption in Colombia has been both endemic and enduring. Students and labor leaders called a general strike on November 21, the first day of the massive protests. There are also pressing concerns about the rights of indigenous people and environmental threats such as hydraulic fracturing, or fracking.

Another issue fueling resentment is the stalled implementation of the government’s peace agreement with the FARC. The 2016 peace agreement was a significant achievement, shepherding the five-decade civil war into a new and hopefully final phase. However, reconciliation has occurred in fits and starts, with FARC leaders suggesting a return to armed violence is imminent unless dramatic progress is made, including in the peace tribunals and improving the currently poor treatment of critics and dissidents on the left. Colombians dread a return to the violence that plagued the country for decades and protesters are calling for the Duque government to do more in working with former insurgents and ex-combatants to avoid a resumption of conflict.

Domestic policy issues are driving several popular protests taking place across the region, including in Chile, Ecuador, and Bolivia.

The unrest in Bolivia toppled the government of President Evo Morales, who fled to Mexico under unclear circumstances. While Chile’s economy has been relatively strong, anger among ordinary Chileans over long-festering economic inequality has driven them to protest. Several Latin American countries are plagued by severe economic inequality and poor investment by their governments in their own people and in national infrastructure. The situation in Venezuela stands apart as a catastrophe of historic proportions, with millions of its people having fled the country. The Duque government, which enjoys strong backing by the United States, has accused Venezuela of providing safe haven to rebels from splinter groups still fighting the Colombian government, leading to abysmal relationships between Caracas and Bogota. The protests in Latin America have highlighted pervasive grievances by populations across the region and unless governments move swiftly to address some of these concerns, widespread demonstrations and political violence will remain a defining feature of growing instability throughout the region (TSC)

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Photo: Haiti protest, source: Andres Martinez Casares/Reuters

Jayakartapos,  Protests in Haiti continue for a second straight month, though they have begun to lose momentum more recently.

The protesters are demanding the resignation of President Jovenel Moïse, who has vowed to stay in office despite widespread demonstrations.

The massive protests have exacerbated the already tenuous food supply and health care provision in one of the poorest nations in the Western Hemisphere.

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has increased its emergency food deliveries to Haiti by 2,000 metric tons to help alleviate the growing pressures.

The anger and frustration of millions of Haitians over endemic corruption has led to more than two months of large-scale protests across the island nation. The Haitian protesters represent a broad swath of the population, from the poor to those who are gainfully employed but still struggling financially. Demonstrators fanned out across the country, flooding prosperous neighborhoods to signal discontent, while burning tires and erecting makeshift roadblocks. The protests have echoed widespread calls for the resignation of President Jovenel Moïse, who assumed office in 2017 and has three years remaining on his term. The immediate focus of the protesters’ anger is allegations that Moïse siphoned millions of dollars from a fund called PetroCaribe before he was elected president. But while the allegations against Moïse—stemming from official investigations that protesters pressured the president to begin last spring—were the catalyst for the protests, what has sustained them is corruption, patronage politics, and a lack of provision of basic services, along with rising prices for everyday necessities, including fuel.

For 33 years, since the overthrow of dictator Jean-Claude ‘Baby Doc’ Duvalier, Haiti has limped along in a state of durable disorder. The Caribbean nation has struggled through decades of dictatorial and corrupt rule, but there was a reasonable glimmer of hope that Port-au-Prince could begin to reverse years of abysmal governance. Progress has been more difficult to achieve than many expected, but Haiti remains politically free to a degree, even as it remains economically imprisoned. The government has failed to meaningfully reduce poverty, and it has not yet successfully tackled the country’s legacy of egregious corruption. These protests are the expression of cascading resentment over successive governments that have repeatedly wasted foreign aid through mismanagement and corruption.

At least 18 people have been killed in the protests since mid-September. In recent weeks, the scale of the street protests has dwindled but they are still sizable and disruptive. In particular, schools have been affected, with many shutting their doors, while businesses have also shut down and major transportation arteries have been clogged or disrupted altogether. The protests have also exacerbated the already insufficient food delivery systems for Haiti, which depend heavily on food aid from the United Nations (UN) and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). A report by the Haitian government estimated that roughly one third of the population—some 3.6 million people—could be in some stage of a food crisis or emergency. This has led USAID to increase its emergency food supplies to Haiti by nearly 2 million metric tons.

More than half of Haiti’s population survives on a meager monthly income that amounts to less than three dollars. It is both a moral imperative and in the self-interest of the United States to increase its support to Haiti. This would mean providing aid but also helping nurture democratic organizations, encouraging the region to step up, and addressing corruption in Haiti. Haitians have fled the island in massive numbers in the early 1990s, and the best way to prevent a reoccurrence is to address the root causes of the problems. An unstable Haiti, which has long been home to U.N. peacekeeping missions, including the United Nations Missions for Justice Support in Haiti (MINUJUSTH) also stresses the neighboring Dominican Republic and the Caribbean region more broadly. Preventing further economic and humanitarian stress in Haiti—along the lines of what is happening in Venezuela—should be a priority for U.S. foreign policy in Washington’s own backyard (TSC)

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Photo: Orphans from Syria, source: Save The Children


Jayakartapos,  The United Kingdom recently announced that it had taken back several children who were living in territory formerly held by the Islamic State.

Britain has consistently argued against bringing home its citizens who traveled to join the Islamic State and has stripped citizens of citizenship.

The primary barrier for most European countries is political, not logistic or legal; other countries have implemented policies to successfully bring dozens of children back home from the conflict.

The international community has a moral obligation to ensure that children have the opportunities to break the cycle of extremism, which can only be accomplished if they are returned to their home countries and cared for.

Late last week, the United Kingdom announced that it had taken back several children, thought to be between ages 7 and 10, who were living in territory in Syria formerly held by the so-called Islamic State. Prime Minister Boris Johnson cautioned against interpreting the return of the children as anything like official policy, instead noting that while the repatriation was indeed a ‘great success,’ it would be ‘over-optimistic to say that we could do it in every single case.’ The truth of the matter is, that the United Kingdom certainly could do it in ever single case if that was what London truly wanted. The primary barrier is political, although European countries have argued that they face logistic and legal issues in bringing children back. However, other countries, including Kosovo and Kazakhstan, have already taken the lead in this area, bringing home 70 and 350 children, respectively, back to their countries of origin.

Among European countries, the UK has consistently offered strict rhetoric against bringing home its citizens who traveled to Iraq and Syria to join the Islamic State. Both Priti Patel, the home secretary, and her predecessor Sajid Javid, have pushed back against the idea that British citizens should be brought home from detention camps in Syria. The high-profile case of Shamima Begum involved a girl from East London who left home at 15 to join the Islamic State. Begum was stripped of her citizenship and remains in a detention camp in Syria where she is attempting to appeal her case.

Within the British government, there have been some champions of repatriating children, including the foreign secretary Dominic Raab, who has gone on record to state that he believes it to be ‘the right thing to do.’ The British Home Office, on the other hand, favors potential returnees being assessed on a case by case basis rather than opening the door for a general policy allowing for their return. Hardliners have argued that even children present a security risk to the United Kingdom. There are estimates that approximately 60 children from the United Kingdom still remain in Syria.

The longer that children are forced to suffer through the horrors of detention camps, the more difficult it will be for them to reintegrate into society if and when they are eventually returned home. The trauma experienced during the height of the caliphate is now being exacerbated by the miserable existence that squalid camps like the al-Hol displacement camp inflict upon its inhabits daily. Few would argue that Islamic State militants do not deserve to face justice. On the contrary, foreign fighters should be repatriated and tried before courts of law in their home countries, even as nations like Germany, France,

Belgium, and the United Kingdom will face significant challenges in prosecuting them. But the children, either those that were brought to Iraq and Syria or those born there, never had a choice in the matter. The international community must see to it that nation-states take responsibility for these children and ensure that they have the opportunities to break the cycle of radicalization and extremism and to grow as contributing members of their respective societies. To deny them this chance is morally repugnant and will do nothing to keep these societies safe from future threats (TSC)

Disclaimer: Every opinion in this media is the responsibility of the writer. If there are parties who object or feel aggrieved with this article, according to the press rules, that party can give the right of reply to the author of Opinion and the Editor will publish the article in a balanced manner.